Judge Sebastián Casanello ordered the indictment of 12 members of the Polo Obrero, one of the partners of Rumbos Publishing House, and two members of Barrios de Pie. The indictment violates the right to defense by denying right to make new statements to Eduardo Belliboni and María “Tango” Dotti, which  were presented before the judicial recess and requested to present more evidence refuting the accusations. The judge's construction is a blend of lies that ignores reality and the evidence presented, aiming to advance the persecution and criminalization of Polo Obrero for its role in organizing and mobilizing the most exploited neighborhoods in the country.

The judge's rush to meet the political demands to advance the persecution against Polo Obrero was evident when he refused to show the evidence to the defendants before questioning them. Now, the indictments are issued before the examination of the cameras at the Polo Obrero Civil Association's headquarters, which will show irregularities, such as the lack of witnesses in many parts of the procedure and the cameras being turned off by the police.

By sweeping this evidence under the rug, the judge proceeds with falsifications that completely ignore the evidence presented.

Its central point is to question the purchases that Polo Obrero made from Rumbos Publishing, arguing that it is a phantom company acting as a political fund for the Partido Obrero. The judge lies because Rumbos is not a phantom company. It presented a lengthy defense to the court showing its editorial activity, with dozens of books, 1,620 issues of Prensa Obrera, 62 editions of the magazine "En defensa del Marxismo", stands at editions of the Book Fair, among other activities.

Polo Obrero rightly requested to extend the inquiry to show the evidence of the purchases made, presenting notarized certifications that prove them. Only by ignoring the facts can it be argued that the purchases of training brochures, paper, work clothes, and machinery used massively across the country did not exist.

The judge takes this falsification to the extreme by questioning the existence of a Heidelberg printer installed at the association's central headquarters, which is even recorded in the raid logs. Against the lie of fund embezzlement, Polo Obrero is certifying all the machinery and equipment installed throughout the country through a public notary.

Among other things, Polo Obrero published more than 50 issues of the Polo Obrero supplement through Rumbos Publishing and an immense number of brochures related to courses and training, which for the judge is "phantom" and a "political fund".

The fact that an publishing house has political positions is part of the normal and usual life of publishers, but when the judge establishes that a publishing is a "political fund," he is concealing a veiled attack on both freedom of the press and the system of political parties, as with these arguments, it could be claimed that any media outlet that raises positions or gives voice to political leaders of political forces acts as an agent of the parties.

The judge is consciously and deliberately ignoring the evidence presented, as is manifested in his continued claim that Polo Obrero did not account for the disbursements of the agreements, that were accounted for more than a month ago, after ministerial intimations. Specifically, 97.3% of the projects in question were accounted for, and the remaining marginal part was hindered precisely by the account freeze ordered by the court.

The disregard of the evidence presented and the palpable reality goes even further when it comes to evaluating the activity of the Polo Obrero. The judge lightly claims that the Polo Obrero members beneficiaries of Potenciar Trabajo did not work, when just at the Mariano Ferreyra popular dining hall in Bajo Flores, meals were cooked every day for 600 families. If no one worked, who cooked them then? Nearly 50 headquarters were built across the country, with photos provided and locations that can be visited, and in several cases, solidarity funds were used due to the lack of official funding. Who built them? Hundreds of courses and workshops were held across the country, including training for labor skills in graphics, textiles, sublimation, cultural workshops, community journalism, and other fields.

This statement seeks to support the idea that the only counterpart to the Potenciar Trabajo was the "obligation" to mobilize. When in reality, the need to mobilize did not arise from any "coercion" by the organization but from the necessity to wrest concessions from the State, which would never meet demands unless pressured by organized struggle.

Finally, the judge also rejects the prosecutor's request to proceed against Emilio Pérsico and other former government officials of the Ministry of Social Development.

Thus, the judge constructs an indictment tailored to the political needs of those who govern and have governed: to bring to trial the organization that has led the struggles of the unemployed, against the evidence presented, while exonerating officials of all political stripes.

In the coming days, we will file an appeal requesting the annulment of these shameful indictments. The fight against this case enters a new stage, and we will wage it as part of the great struggle against hunger and for democratic freedoms and the right to protest, which both Bullrich and Milei, along with the entire Judicial Power, want to trample.